Crowdsourcing Analysis for Policymakers

Crowdsourcing Analysis for Policymakers is the first of five planned Political Innovation Translation Layer evening events in the new year. These free events are taking place and the Adam Street Club just off The Strand in London. Get your tickets now – places are limited. You may also decide to stick around for dinner afterwards?

We’ve got the perfect speaker for the first event: Andrew Stott retired recently from the post of Director of Digital Engagement. During his time at The Cabinet Office, Andrew oversaw the launch of Data.gov.uk – a pioneering project intended to create a new level of transparency and intellectual capital around government.

By making raw information widely available, all kinds of possibilities have been opened up to change the way policymaking is done. No-one working in politics can afford not to understand how this will happen.

All five events intend to cram the following features into them:

To be a translation layer. I pinched that idea from a speech by Ben Hammersley in which he identified the need to explain innovation more widely. Having worked for some time in the overlap between politics and innovative media, a breakdown in communication has always been evident. Innovators are often impatient with incumbents. They’re bed-blockers. They just don’t get it, man! On the other hand, the incumbents often have a very clear idea as to why the bright ideas of innovators just won’t work. Or sometimes, they adopt a very simplistic version of what innovators urge upon them (see e-petitions). These events are intended to open a discussion between those urging innovation upon politicos, and the politicos who already know what ideas just won’t work.

Brevity. These are evening events. We’re planning to have only one speaker at them, and we’re asking the speakers to prepare a short, high-impact talk. The aim is not to provide anything that is absolutely cutting-edge in terms of innovation. Instead, we’re looking for something that explains why the matter in hand could be more interesting to politicos than they may think.

A thought experiment. These five events will look at how some innovative concepts could change the way we use and see think tanks. Think tanks are problematic. Dr Andy Williamson has written a number of short posts here explaining why. They’ve not (yet) been hit by the demands for transparency that politicians, the media and government in general have had to to endure. But they may do so soon. Being more familiar with the concepts that these talks will cover may help to shape the next generation of think tanks.

A networking opportunity. Adam St is a great venue for networking events. We are aiming to attract an eclectic mix of people along, and we’re working with Elwood & Atfield to promote these evenings. Elwood & Atfield are very active in the CIPR Public Affairs Group and have a great database of people who work at the top of the politics and public affairs professions.

Along with the geeks, gamers and bloggers that have been to previous political innovation events, we’re aiming for a few politicians, policy-wonks and campaigners. Everyone should come away with the kind of contacts that they won’t meet anywhere else.

All events will feature a short session in which everyone in the room will be able to see who else is listening.

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The problem with think-tanks: An alternative model

I’ve described so far a number of fundamental problems that I believe prevent think-tanks being as effective as they could be, to be blunt, that prevent them being useful (in the big picture sense). There’s always a risk when you start saying what’s wrong that you’ll get accused of whinging.

So, to try and put some balance into the debate, I want to wrap up this short series of blogs with some thoughts on what an alternative model might look like.

The biggest problem I can see is monetising critical thought. And this remains a problem regardless of the model, so rather than wasting acres of real estate trying to solve this one right now I’m going to state the obvious. Continue reading

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The problem with think-tanks: Transparency

Running alongside issues of quality and independence discussed already here is transparency. This comes in to play at a number of levels for the think-tank but, in a broad sense, is the outside world’s way of establishing the veracity of the work.

It helps us to understand the contribution and usefulness of the work done and also the position taken in terms of independence and bias. It is important to be upfront and honest about why research is being undertaken; who commissioned it and why. Continue reading

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The problem with think-tanks: Independence

I’ve talked about the quality of the work produced, I now want to focus on the question of how independent a think-tank is – or isn’t (either in reality or perception). I don’t just mean the blatant ideological instrument of some lobbying group or other that we regularly see in the US and increasingly are appearing in the UK.

Where this is the case it’s usually obvious and their work can safely be dismissed by all (including journalists looking to spice up a story with an extreme position and who should know better). Continue reading

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The problem with think-tanks: Quality

My earlier discussion on the value of and necessity for different types of research brings me to the first problem that the current think-tank situation creates; quality. In academia there is a considerable amount of valueless, low quality research and subsequent publication produced simply because one has too; publish or perish, as they say.

Don’t for one minute believe that peer-review systems protect us from this, they don’t. Nor is academic research an open or level playing field. Journals are largely closed shops, tightly controlled, inaccessible to most. Continue reading

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The problem with think-tanks: Introduction

I wrote recently in The Guardian about what I perceive to be a crisis in the political think-tanks. This crisis is ostensibly brought on by two factors, the first is the inevitable (but slow) tidal drift of ideology and the second is economic (bluntly, funding).

In a series of upcoming blogs I want to explore the effects of this crisis a little more deeply and in a way that, I hope, points to what I believe is the real crisis with think-tanks in the UK. They are going in individual focus on quality, independence, transparency and then summarise some ideas for what might be done to solve the problem.

It is worth prefixing this commentary by saying clearly that it is not based on a principle objection to the concept of the think-tank (which would be rather hypocritical), rather, the exact opposite. I believe that an effectively functioning independent think-tank space is a vital pre-requisite to any strong democracy.

But first, I’m going to spend a moment contemplating a criticism of think-tanks made by some commenters on my Guardian article; that they are homes for ‘failed academics’. Clearly such a comment is inane but it’s worthy of clarification because it points to a general failure in this country to properly grasp the range of research that we both need and do. Think-tank research must not replicate academic research, it is quite different. In my view it is actually a lot more valuable in the policy area. But that does not mean it can lack standards, rigour and transparency. Far too much academic research acts as an analysis of record. It more often than not fails to give us any pointers as to what we should do next other than to discuss what happened before. This is useful but we need good quality applied research focussed on developing strong recommendations for evidence-based action. One is not better (or worse) than the other.

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Gaming – in the last chance saloon in the UK?

I’m told that a few of the people who attended the Political Innovation event in Edinburgh last November were in contact with Paul Evans to say that they’d like a meetup like the Politicos meet Gamers event held in London last week.

A lot of the kind of issues that the get-together was intended to start a conversation on are being addressed at the Edinburgh Interactive conference taking place on the 11th-12th August. Politicos could certainly learn a good deal from the sessions on Gamification and how games are built and incentivised. Continue reading

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Politicos – meet gamers

I’d like to invite you to an event I’m helping to organise along with a few friends, in which politicos and gamers will be expected to mingle and swap ideas. Get a ticket here (it’s next Thursday in central London)

 

Studying politics often involves a detailed immersion in the sociology of the various institutions – parties, the cabinet, pressure groups, Whitehall, the core executive, and so on. We look at the Machiavellian intrigues, the mechanisms, the workflows and the underlying structures that always emerge to confound those who don’t understand them.

To an innovation-minded politico, it’s fairly obvious that social media concepts such as collaborative filtering, collaborative authoring, social networking, conversational structures, distributed wisdom and crowdsourcing are of interest.

In the political blogosphere, we take ideological sides and engage in inconclusive online flame-wars with libertarians, nationalists, conservatives and the wrong sorts of socialists (99% of them give the rest of us a bad name, y’know?)

It’s a game of sorts. A joust. And you can’t understand why political parties all seem to be very similar until you know Anthony Downs’ adaption of Hotelling’s game theory either.

So these kinds of games are important. They’re a way of rationalising the comfort-zone that political animals sit in. They’re another way of exploring the philosophical, moral and practical dimensions that public debate occupies and the power-structures that create the boundaries in which it operates.

Politicos understand narratives. We’re a well-read bunch. A lot of us studied literature and have classier-than-thou DVD collection. We read long articles in The New Statesman in which competing narratives are weighed and measured. The Big Society, Red Tory, Blue Labour, The Third Way, and so on.

We need narratives to keep us sane. During elections, we have to make promises we know we won’t be able to keep, and we justify them with plans that we know (deep down) won’t survive the first engagement with reality. As Woody Allen said, “If you want to make God laugh, tell him about your plans.”

But surely political innovation is about finding ways of game-changing politics? Aren’t all of these options listed above simply falling into the trap of using new media tools to do the job of old politics?

The interactive world of gaming offers a different way of dealing with situations. Where politicos traditionally have retreated to moral and philosophical abstrations, the designers of games know how to appeal to many of the reflexes that politicos have long forgotten.

They draw players into ambitious problem-solving situations.  If we could bring comparable quantities of human ingenuity to bear on many real-life problems, perhaps we could sort out the voting system and work out what to do with the House of Lords, and be finished doing it all before teatime?

Increasingly, for younger voters, gaming is often a way of life. What does this mean for narrative-led politics?

I think that politicos need to develop their contacts in the gaming community. I suspect gamers would welcome hearing seasoned political operators describing the problems that need to be overcome.

For this reason, along with a few friends, the Political Innovation project is organising a few meetups. Sign up for the first one here  – and join our Facebook or Google Group to get notified of subsequent events. If you’re coming, sign up to the Lanyard page to get the conversation going beforehand.

Postscript: A few links I didn’t work into this post, but worth reading anyway:

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FED – Ideas to Sustain

Realpolitik and Bella Caledonia present ‘FED – Ideas Worth Sustaining’, a one-day program of talks, discussions, and, most importantly, ideas. FED takes its cue from July’s TEDGlobal Edinburgh conference – but while TED costs an eye-watering £3,700 to attend, FED costs a more modest fiver.

That’s an austerity-busting saving of £3,695 (!) Go here to book your place. Full programme here… Continue reading

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No 8: The broadening inkblot: Self-improvement for people who read newspapers (and blogs…)

If you’re reading this, you’re probably a regular lurker around the blogosphere and the longer, cleverer articles on media websites. You may even go further than that and comment occasionally, “Digg”, share or “like” postings on Facebook. And if you’re very clever with your RSS reader, you may have found a way of getting some of the better quality content to come to you – almost unbidden – by some smart “collaborative filtering” technology.

Google Reader users, for instance, know when other people who share their interests have chosen to share something worthwhile.

Blogging can, in itself, be an improving experience. But is it as improving as it could be? Is there anything we could learn from the way that the Internet pushes other media at users based upon their known preferences?

I’d suggest that Last.fm is a good place to start. If you’re not already familiar with it, it’s a music website where the music is not only legal and entertaining but also, if you want it to be, mind-stretching and educational.

Scrobbling is at the heart of Last.fm.  Because Last.fm can see what music you’re listening to on your iPod or PC (perhaps also on Spotify), it gradually builds up a profile of what you like. It then builds a profile page for you that others can look at.

Some of the most fascinating and educational features of Last.fm are the different radio stations, especially the “neighbourhood” and “recommendation” radio stations. The “Dashboard” shows you music that it thinks that you haven’t heard but that you may like. It allows you to find people who have similar tastes to yourself and use their playlists to fill gaps in your own. It uses a system based upon a collaborative filtering algorithm so users can browse and hear previews of a list of artists not listed on their own profile but which appear on those of others with similar musical tastes.

Last.fm allows us to passively recommend music to people we have never met, and the site also calculates what suggestions will be met favourably. But the interesting possibility Last.fm offers to consumers of written content is that it moves listeners, little by little, from the known to the moderately unknown, using a series of automatic and manual tools – thus expanding the users’ knowledge of their chosen area of content.  Imagine if every newspaper article or blog-post that we read contributed to a similar system that sought to find new interesting material that was able to fill our knowledge gaps?

Last.fm creates a kind of musical inkblot which broadens in an entertaining and educational way and creates objectively better and more intelligent listeners.  What’s more, by being able to “ban” or “love” content that users listen to, interactivity with future recommendations is maximum – as is the ability to influence and mould such recommendations.

Let us now apply the above to political blogging and commenting.  If we could do for articles what we Last.FM does for tunes, we could potentially have a tool that promoted self-learning. We’d be creating a self-educating website of political DNA, the like of which we have never experienced before. Except, that is, to date, in the field of music.

The ability to trawl a substantial database of all kinds of political thought, in order to support, substantiate and argue different points of view and positions, would help bloggers and commenters of all shades of opinion generate more effective, accurate and constructive levels of communication in the field of political endeavour and exchange.

In addition, the social media features of sites like Last.fm, where people build sustained relationships on a one-to-one and group basis, could contribute usefully to generating that sense of engagement and empathy that much of Internet discourse seems to have lost, as it continues to take place in the distancing ether and on either side of defensive computer screens.

As it happens, such a database exists in prototype – thanks to a previous “Political Innovation” essayist.

I have sketched this idea out as one that can be applied to politics/policy-related content – mainly because it is my personal enthusiasm. But there’s no reason to suppose it couldn’t be applied effectively to any area of human knowledge in which a large proportion of the content is available on the open web.

There is no question that it will be a significant challenge to work out how such a database can develop the critical mass of users and reactions to such content. This is where the next level of investment is needed. But it doesn’t seem to me to be showstopper, especially as the rewards – in terms of human understanding – are potentially huge.

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